"Engaging India: diplomacy, democracy and the bomb" by Strobe Talbott
Strobe Talbott, Rhodes scholar at Oxford, classmate and
friend of Bill Clinton was Deputy Secretary of State for US for 7 years until
2001. In this book he writes about his
staying engaged with Jaswant Singh for three years to ensure the arrangements
for non-proliferation of nuclear weapons stay in the aftermath of India
exploding its nuclear devices in May 1998.
If ever you wonder whether an argument can be right and
wrong at the same time, you do not need to go farther than the system world has
to prevent proliferation of nuclear weapons.
In 1964 five countries had nuclear weapons. (JFK predicted that this number could reach
20 in a few years). The five championed
a non-proliferation treaty that
- prohibited others from developing nuclear weapons,
- offered use of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, and
- undertook to dismantle their own weapons over a period of time.
India was under pressure to
accede to the treaty. However, India did not.
Why is NPT a good policy? We cannot ignore the reality of five having bombs. Their continuing to possess the bombs is not
an argument to encourage others to acquire bombs. In the end this will make the world less
safe. Most countries have acceded to the
treaty. The big five agreed to not provide
nuclear technology to anyone who did not accede to the treaty. The
five had capability to destroy each other; and that capability served as a
credible deterrent. All it takes is one
country to not respect the arrangement and explode a device. It would open the floodgates for every country
to acquire nuclear weapons technology.
There is a need for responsible behavior.
Why is NPT a bad policy? The Big Five did not keep up their word. They kept their stockpile and dragged on dismantling their weapons. When the deadline came and went, they arm twisted everyone to extend the treaty infinitely. In effect, they created a nuclear apartheid. Countries that had adversarial interests against a nuclear power faced nuclear threat.
In May 1974 India exploded a nuclear device “for peaceful
purposes”! The world was shocked; and
imposed sanctions restraining India from accessing sensitive technologies. This prompted Pakistan to acquire nuclear
weapons technology (with some help from China).
In May 1998 India exploded nuclear weapons. In the same month, Pakistan followed. Both became “de facto” nuclear powers.
President Clinton’s administration was furious. US imposed sanctions on both; voted against
any aid/loan to either in global forums.
Clinton’s desired that India and Pakistan should:
- Agree to not develop nuclear technology any further
- Agree to not conduct nuclear tests
- Agree to not develop further fissile material
- Agree to not develop ballistic missiles that usually deliver the bombs
The US game plan was to isolate and suffocate India through
sanctions; and offer carrots if India accedes to the objective.
The Indian game plan was that the sanctions would wither away over time and US would align with India as a counter weight against China in Asia. In the meanwhile sanctions would hurt Pakistan more than India providing a minor tactical advantage.
The Indian game plan was that the sanctions would wither away over time and US would align with India as a counter weight against China in Asia. In the meanwhile sanctions would hurt Pakistan more than India providing a minor tactical advantage.
Talbott and Singh met several times in several places. Talbott sensed “soft stonewalling” with
eloquent arguments and cool reasoning by seasoned advisers. Singh was a master of “double negatives” that do not end up
becoming positive. He had the ear of the
Prime Minister; but was under compulsions of a democracy to carry public
opinion, and the opinions of extreme right in his own party. Talbott recollects Singh as a sincere and
reasonable gentleman. There may not have
been a negotiation; but there was engagement.
This was in complete contrast with his negotiations with
Pakistan. They missed a Jaswant. PM Nawaz Sharif was either powerless or
pretended to be one. His advisors were
happy to correct him in public and back track positions. Everyone had to keep wondering whether the
army would back any deal. Emotions were
high. (Talbott recollects one incident
when a Pakistani interlocutor rises up to ostensibly hit his American
counterpart and had to be physically restrained).
There were distractions:
- A poll in India (that BJP won) that suspended discussions.
- An opposition in India that did not oppose the ruling party; hinting solidarity in political views.
- A war that was about to escalate to deployment of nuclear devices
- A military coup-de-tai that replaced Sharif with General Pervez Musharraf
- A Senate that rejected the very restraints (on US) that US was imposing on others
- A terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament
- A terrorist attack on the World Trade Center
In the end, US views changed after Bush administration came
to power. Bush did not place high value
on restraining treaties; recognized India’s self restraint; and did a different
deal that brought the civilian nuclear facilities alone under global inspection
regime and provided full access to nuclear technology to India.
When India tested Agni V in Apr 2012 (a missile that can
reach several cities in China), and a US State Department spokesman, Mark
Toner, was asked for reactions, he did not complain about an impending arms
race. He praised India for its self-restraint
and for being a responsible member of the comity of nations. India had arrived as a nuclear power.
The book provides an excellent insight into how two people
with opposing views staying engaged, in the intervening moments, to achieve a
common objective of making the world a better place. One was worried about the signal India’s
explosion sent to the world. Another was
protective about sovereignty and sought fairness in treatment.
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